As of 2008 the Percentage of Single-parent Families Was

Family Structure and Part

Karen J. Marcdante MD , in Nelson Essentials of Pediatrics , 2019

Single-Parent Families

At any ane point in time, approximately 30% of children are living in single-parent families, and more than 40% of children are born to unmarried mothers. In some instances, a kid is born to a single mother by choice, but often the kid is the upshot of an unplanned pregnancy. Children may also live in single-parent families as the result of divorce or the death of a parent (come acrossChapter 26). Although most children in single-parent families are raised past mothers, unmarried-begetter families are increasing; in 2009 most 5% of children lived in single-father families.

Single parents may have limited financial resources and social supports. For unmarried-mother households, the median income is only twoscore% of the income in two-parent families, and for single-father households, it is but threescore% of the income of ii parent families. Thus the frequency of children living in poverty is iii to five times college in unmarried-parent families. These parents must also rely to a greater extent on other adults for child intendance. Although these adults may be sources of support for the single parent, they besides may criticize the parent, decreasing confidence in parenting skills. Fatigue associated with working and raising a child independently contributes to parenting difficulties. Single parents are probable to have less fourth dimension for a social life or other activities, intensifying feelings of isolation and negatively impacting mental health. When the increased burdens of single parenting are associated with burnout, isolation, and low, the evolution of developmental and behavioral problems in the child is more likely.

In the case of a teenage mother in the role of single parent, challenges associated with parenting may be fifty-fifty more impactful (encounterSection 12). Beingness a teenage parent is associated with lower educational attainment, lower paying jobs without much opportunity for autonomy or advancement, and lower self-esteem. Teenage mothers are even less probable than adult unmarried mothers to receive whatsoever back up from the child's father. Children of adolescent mothers are at high take a chance for cerebral delays, behavioral problems, and difficulties in school. Referral to early on intervention services or Head Start programs is imperative in these situations.

Nevertheless, when a unmarried parent has acceptable social supports, is able to collaborate well with other intendance providers, and has sufficient fiscal resource, he or she is likely to be successful in raising a child. Pediatricians can improve parental cocky-esteem through educational activity almost child development and beliefs, validation of good parenting strategies, positive feedback for compliance, and demonstrating conviction in them as parents. Demonstrating empathy and acknowledging the difficulties faced by single parents tin can have a healing upshot or assist a parent feel comfortable to share concerns suggesting the demand for a referral to other professionals.

VARIATIONS IN FAMILY Composition

Craig Garfield , in Developmental-Behavioral Pediatrics (4th Edition), 2009

Single PARENT FAMILIES

The number of unmarried parent families, headed by single mothers and single fathers, has been increasing. In 1970, in that location were iii million single parenting mothers and 393,000 unmarried parenting fathers; in 2006, in that location are 10 million unmarried parenting mothers and 2.iii million single parenting fathers (U.South. Agency of the Census, 2005). More than than 60% of U.Due south. children live some of their life in a single parent household (Simmons and O'Connell, 2003).

Although these households share many of the same concerns as families in dissimilar compositions, such as the need for quality daycare, some problems are unique to single parent families. Ii parents usually share responsibility and monitoring of the child, and provide encouragement and discipline every bit needed. When merely 1 parent is consistently present, that parent must be the sole economic and parenting resource and must stretch to cover both domains. Oft, a single parent has less regular interaction and involvement in day-to-day activities of the child (Carlson and Corcoran, 2001). This situation may requite children the opportunity to develop resiliency, to assist in household chores out of necessity, and to become motivated to succeed (Table 9-iv). These families may feel greater economic concerns regarding the power to provide materially for children. Unmarried parent families are unduly poor; overall, 28% of families with children and a female head-of-household and no married man and 13% of families with children and a male person head-of-household and no wife lived below the poverty level in 2005 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2002). Inquiry shows that children reared in single parent families exercise not fare as well as children reared in two parent families, on average, regardless of race, education, or parental remarriage (McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994); they are more than likely to feel increased academic difficulties and higher levels of emotional, psychological, and beliefs problems (Hanson et al, 1997; Previti and Amato, 2003).

Single parents may be "stretched thin" financially and emotionally, and this can have a direct and indirect impact on their children (run across Table 9-4). Children in single parent families are more likely to feel accidents—suggesting lower levels of kid supervision—and to meet a physician, to receive medical treatment for concrete illnesses, and to exist hospitalized than children from two parent families (O'Connor et al, 2000). Single parents have higher levels of mental health bug, which could result partly from the stress of trying to balance the needs of employment, home responsibilities, child rearing, and interactions with the kid's school with limited time, personal, and social support (Cairney, 2003). Children in single parent families likewise are more than likely to live with adults unrelated to them. This situation can exist concerning because these children are eight times more than likely to die of maltreatment than children in households with two biologic parents (O'Connor et al, 2000).

Equally in all families, unmarried parents tin can maximize the likelihood of success for their children by establishing a quality domicile environment (see Tabular array 9-4). Although this situation may exist particularly challenging for single parents, children benefit from an organized household with articulate rules and expectations, appropriate consequences for misbehavior, and emotional nurturance from the parent. It is important to support single parents attempting to establish successful households.

The external customs tin can play a major role in the health and development of children in single parent families. On the one hand, violence in the customs can adversely affect the child's opportunities for growth and evolution, and dampen interactions exterior the home for fear of injury. On the other manus, many community organizations and school-based prevention programs that are culturally relevant and focus on assisting adults in their parenting and children in their development are often available. For school-historic period children, interest in structured activities bachelor in the customs, such equally mentoring programs, subsequently-school programs, and youth sport leagues, can assistance optimize healthy child evolution. This involvement may be especially important for children in single parent families.

Compared with most other family unit structures (i.e., 2 parent families and grandparent-headed households), children living in a single parent family are near at risk for school difficulties, behavior issues, poverty, maltreatment, and a host of other negative influences to their wellness and well-being. Pediatricians, as advocates for children in most demand of quality health care, tin utilise this knowledge to provide children from single parent families with an increased quality of intendance and referrals to other supports and local services. A referral to a social worker may assist connect a child with youth programs in the community such as Big Blood brother/Big Sister, athletic teams, after-school programs, and Boy/Girl Scouts, which can provide opportunities for positive social evolution.

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Positive Parenting and Back up

Robert 1000. Kliegman Medico , in Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics , 2020

The Part of the Family

Parenting occurs in the context of a family, and in that location is significant diversity among families. Family makeup has inverse profoundly over the last several decades in the United states, with increases in cultural, indigenous, and spiritual diversity and in single-parent families. In 2014, based on U.South. Census Bureau data, 26% of children lived in unmarried-parent families, and 62% lived in households with 2 married parents. These patterns differ when race and ethnicity are considered; the majority of children in white and Asian American families live in households with married parents, whereas just 31% of blackness children practise, with virtually one-half (57%) living in single-parent households. Although children can thrive in all types of family environments, information advise that, on average, children living in single-parent families fare less well than their counterparts. Children in single-parent households are 3 times more likely to be living below the poverty line than those in families with 2 married parents. Mothers are the primary breadwinner in forty% of families, an increase from 10% in 1960, yet families led by unmarried mothers tend to fare worse than those led by single fathers.

Families are too irresolute how they spend fourth dimension together. Media employ for both parents and children has increased dramatically with the appearance of tablets and smartphones. Over the last several decades, as women have entered the workforce, increasing numbers of children participate in childcare, and in afterwards-school activities. Racial, ethnic, and economical disparities are found in those participating in these activities likewise. More children from economically advantaged families participate in extracurricular activities; low-income and blackness families worry more about the availability of high-quality programming for their children.

The U.South. Census Bureau projects that past 2040 the bulk of the U.S. population will consist of minorities, with steady increases in foreign-born populations and individuals reporting 2 or more ethnicities. This diversity will bear upon family unit composition, as well as family values and approaches to parenting.Culture refers to a pattern of social norms, values, language, and behavior shared by a group of individuals, and parents are thus affected by their civilisation. Parenting approaches to self-regulation vary across cultures with respect to promoting attention, compliance, delayed gratification, executive function, and effortful command.

Gender, Aging, and Social Policy

Madonna Harrington Meyer , Wendy M. Parker , in Handbook of Aging and the Social Sciences (7th Edition), 2011

Gender and Marital Status

The United states has experienced a retreat from union and a dramatic rise in single-parent families. Between 1960 and 2005, the percent of women married dropped from 67% to 54%, the per centum of women divorced rose from 3% to xi%, and the percentage of families headed by single mothers rose from 8% to 23% (US Census Bureau, 2008). During the same time period the percentage of married-couple households declined from 69% to 53% (Spraggins, 2005). These trends vary significantly by race and ethnicity. In 2005 over half of white and Hispanic women were married, but just about one-third of black women were married (U.s.a. Census Bureau, 2008). In 2006, 39% of all The states births were to unmarried women. Notably, 51% of Latino and 72% of blackness babies were born to single mothers (Hamilton et al., 2009; United states Census Agency, 2008).

The ascension in single parenting is particularly problematic for women across the life form. In 2005, 80% of single parents were women (US Census Bureau, 2008). Unmarried parenting is linked to poverty in part because many children accept little contact with their non-custodial fathers, and many mothers receive trivial child support (Carlson, 2006; Sorensen & Zibman, 2000). About one-quarter of single mothers are not receiving child support payments to which they are legally entitled, and another 1-tertiary are not receiving the full award (Sorensen & Loma, 2004; Sorensen & Zibman, 2000). Amid families with a child under age 18, 7% of all married couples, compared to 36% of female person-headed households, are poor (US Census Agency, 2006). The economic science of unmarried parenting are especially difficult for black and Hispanic mothers; 45% of Hispanic and 42% of blackness single mothers live in poverty (US Census Agency, 2006). Many of these single mothers will achieve quondam historic period with incomes at or well-nigh the federal poverty line.

At all ages, women are less likely than men to exist married, and the gender gap in marital rates grows with historic period in part considering women outlast men by an average of v years. Equally Figure 23.1 shows, among those aged 65 and older, 72% of the men and just 42% of the women are married (The states Census Agency, 2008). Among those aged 85 and older, 54% of the men and simply 14% of the women are married. There is a stiff link between being unmarried and poverty in onetime age. Older people who live alone do not savour the economies of calibration afforded to those who live together. Indeed, among those aged 65 and older, married couples have poverty rates of five pct (He et al., 2005). But, as Figure 23.2 shows, single black and Hispanic women have poverty rates of 40%. Because they are more probable to live longer, and to alive alone, the next department shows that women are more probable than older men both to demand a caregiver and to be a caregiver (National Alliance for Caregiving and AARP, 2009).

Figure 23.one. Percentage in each marital category by gender and age, 2008.

Source: Usa Census Bureau (2008).

Effigy 23.ii. Percentage aged 65 and older, below poverty line, past gender, race, and living arrangements, 2003.

Source: U.s. Census Agency (2006).

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Overview of Pediatrics

Robert G. Kliegman MD , in Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics , 2020

The New Morbidities

Given the advances in public wellness aimed at decreasing morbidity and mortality in infectious diseases (immunization, hygiene, antibiotics), along with the rise of technologic advances in clinical care, attending was given to thenew morbidities—behavioral, developmental, and psychosocial atmospheric condition and issues shown to be increasingly associated with suboptimal health outcomes and quality of life. The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP)Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family unit Health asserted that the prevention, early detection, and management of these types of child health issues should be a central focus of the field of pediatrics, and that information technology would require an expansion in the cognition base regarding (1) physical and environmental factors affecting behavior, (2) normal child behavior and development, (3) wellness behaviors every bit they pertain to child health, and (4) mild, moderate, and astringent behavioral and developmental disorders. Accomplishing this would require reconceptualizing professional person training, improving clinical advice and interviewing skills, expanding mental health resources for children, and shifting fourth dimension allocation during child wellness supervision visits to address these concerns. In 2001 the Committee revisited this issue and reemphasized the need to address environmental and social aspects in addition to developmental and behavioral problems (Table i.iv). These included violence, firearms, substance utilize, and school problems, besides as poverty, homelessness, single-parent families, divorce, media, and childcare. Although this expanding list seems daunting and beyond the scope of what pediatricians typically addressed (i.e., physical wellness and development), many of these behavioral, environmental, and psychosocial problems (which fall under the category of social determinants of health) account for a large proportion of variance in health outcomes in children and youth. The role of pediatrics and the boundaries of clinical practise needed to alter in order to address these salient contributors to kid health and well-being. Newer models of clinical care that rely on close collaboration and coordination with other professionals committed to child welfare (eastward.thousand., social workers, psychologists, mental health providers, educators) were developed. Every bit this model expanded, so did the role of the family, in particular the kid'south caregiver, from a passive recipient of professional person services to a more equitable and inclusive partner in identifying the issues that needed to exist addressed, also equally helping determine which therapeutic options had the "all-time fit" with the child, the family, and the condition.

The framing of salient child health issues under the "new morbidity" concept acknowledges that the determinants of wellness are heterogeneous merely interconnected. Biological science, genetics, healthcare, behaviors, social conditions, and environmental influences should not be viewed as mutually exclusive determinants; they exert their influences through complex interactions on multiple levels. For example, epigenetic changes that result from specific social and environmental conditions illustrate the influence of context on gene expression.

Older Adults with Mental Retardation and Their Families

Tamar Heller , in International Review of Research in Mental Retardation, 1997

C Irresolute Construction of the Family unit

Demographic trends affecting the family include an increase in primarily female person-headed, single-parent families compared to the past generation (Masnick & Bane, 1980). Contributing factors are the high rates of divorce and the higher life expectancy of women versus their husbands (Rossi, 1987). Hence, persons with retardation are less probable to alive in two-parent households than in the past. Furthermore, the previous give-and-take of life expectancy noted that persons with mental retardation and their families are likely to live longer. Considering many persons with mental retardation (especially those with mild mental retardation) have a life expectancy like to that of the general population, it is increasingly common for them to outlive their parents. Information technology also increases the likelihood that parents of a person with mental retardation also will be caring for their own parents who in turn are living longer.

A more recent tendency is the prevalence in the general population of coresidence of adult children with their aging parents (Seltzer & Krauss, 1994). In 1980, at least one child coresided with 35% of 55-year-old married (or previously married) mothers and xviii% of 65-twelvemonth-one-time mothers (Sweetness & Bumpass, 1987). Data from the 1988 National Survey of Families and Households indicated that 45% of parents between the ages of 45 and 54 who had an adult child coresided with at to the lowest degree ane of their developed children (Aquilino, 1990).

These demographic trends have resulted in the following impact for families caring for an adult relative with mental retardation: (a) the period of family responsibleness for that relative is now longer and the likelihood that the relative will outlast his or her parents is greater; (b) siblings and other extended family unit members are more likely to inherit caregiving roles; and (c) at that place are fewer potential family caregivers and more potential care recipients, as a mother of an adult with mental retardation also is more than likely to be caring for her ain parents and to have fewer siblings with whom to share the chore (Seltzer & Krauss, 1994). Demands and stress for single-parent and dual-career households may further decrease the power of families to keep lifelong caregiving.

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Abuse, Neglect, and Maltreatment of Infants☆

Barbara Fallon , ... N. Joh-Carnella , in Encyclopedia of Infant and Early Childhood Development (Second Edition), 2020

Household and Caregiver Factors

•

Family structure. Estimates suggest that 39% of maltreated children live in single-parent families. Over one-third of cases involve children living with both biological parents. Approximately 16% of maltreated children live in composite families with a step-parent as caregiver. In cases of sexual corruption, the absence of a biological parent in the household or the presence of a stepfather is a particular risk indicator, whereas single-parent status is a take a chance indicator for physical abuse and neglect.

•

Age of principal caregiver. Overall, both male (83%) and female (64%) caregivers who maltreat children tend to be over xxx years of age. Emotional maltreatment is most frequently reported every bit the principal maltreatment category for primary caregivers less than 16 years of age. Equally the master caregiver'due south age increases, physical corruption and neglect get frequently indicated forms of maltreatment.

•

Gender of perpetrator. Men are overwhelmingly more often the perpetrators in the sexual abuse of both girls and boys (95% and 80% of the time, respectively). Children are twice equally likely to exist neglected by women than by men, reflecting the fact that women are more often primary caregivers of young children.

•

Number of siblings in the household. In ∼65% of cases the maltreated child has at least one other sibling who is living in the household and is also investigated for allegations of kid maltreatment.

•

Socioeconomic status. The primary income in families where there is kid maltreatment is from full-time employment in the majority of cases (51%); 33% of the time, income is from benefits and/or social aid, and ten% of the fourth dimension from office-time or seasonal piece of work.

•

Housing. The bulk of children who are maltreated live in rental accommodations (55%), while 31% live in purchased homes, and two% live in hotels or shelters.

•

Mental illness. American data demonstrate that of caregivers convicted of criminal offenses pertaining to kid maltreatment, more than 50% had received psychiatric treatment, and almost one-third has been admitted to infirmary for psychiatric handling. Of these mothers, 42% were suffering from either major depression or schizophrenia. Another study estimated that 27% of female caregivers and 18% of male person caregivers were identified as having a mental wellness impairment.

•

Substance abuse. Approximately 21% of primary caregivers have either confirmed or suspected alcohol abuse in cases of substantiated child maltreatment. Retrospective information show that rates of physical and sexual corruption are doubled in cases where caregivers are besides reported to have a history of alcohol corruption, with rates markedly increased when both caregivers are substance abusers.

•

Caregiver history of maltreatment as a child. There is controversy and conflicting enquiry evidence as to whether a babyhood history of maltreatment in the caregiver increases the take a chance for abusive or neglectful behavior as a caregiver. In retrospective studies documenting a link between a history of babyhood abuse or neglect and abuse or fail of one'south children, the link is weak. For example, one study indicated that 25% of abusive female caregivers and 18% of abusive male caregivers were maltreated equally children; these rates were college in cases of child neglect and emotional maltreatment. In general, ∼20% of caregivers who were abused as children continue to abuse their own children, whereas 75% of perpetrators of child sexual abuse report have been sexually driveling equally children.

•

Prior history of criminality. Men who hurt their children more than commonly accept a history of prior criminality and antisocial personality traits. One study estimated that 16% were involved in criminal activity. Women in these partnerships ofttimes accept a psychiatric history, and may be incapable of providing protection to the child.

•

Domestic violence. Approximately 46% of principal caregivers of maltreated children have themselves been victims of domestic violence, including physical, sexual, or verbal set on, in the 6 months prior to the child maltreatment.

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'Inner City,' The: Cultural Concerns

Westward.J. Wilson , ... J.Chiliad. Quane , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

5 The Inner-city Family: A Mediating Variable

Since 1970, marriage rates have been declining nationally and more children are being raised in single-parent families. Nowhere are these trends more prevalent than in the inner-city, where mother-only households are the norm in many neighborhoods. This situation has generated much public debate and, while public attention has focused on the marital disincentives of welfare policy, research has shown that a major reason for the collapse of two-parent inner-urban center families is the growing economic marginality of inner-city males (Wilson 1987, 1996). Every bit male person employment prospects receded, so did the economic benefits of union. The general weakening of social sanctions against out-of-marriage childbearing in the larger society and especially in the inner-city ghetto further helped to undermine the foundation for stable relationships.

The high rates of unmarried parenthood are particularly troubling because of their association with persistent poverty, welfare receipt, and deleterious effects on children. Children in female parent-merely households are themselves more likely to be school dropouts, to take lower earnings, and to depend on welfare as adults (Krein and Beller 1988, McLanahan and Garfinkel 1989). Moreover, growing upward in communities where prospects for steady employment and stable marriages are perceived as remote, young inner-city adults are more probable to engage in behavior that farther jeopardizes their chances for social and economic mobility.

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Poverty and Gender in Affluent Nations

S.S. McLanahan , M.J. Carlson , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

three.3 Government Policy

All individuals and families receive income from two chief sources—the market and the land—in addition to any private transfers they may receive. Government policy has a significant effect on women'southward economical well-existence considering it can either obviate or intensify the inequalities that issue from the performance of the market economy. Amongst single individuals living without children, regime policy has little bear upon on women's poverty because men and women are largely treated the aforementioned. Although at that place may be some differences betwixt elderly men and women in how pensions are allocated in various countries, differences in government policies primarily affect the economic condition of unmarried mothers and their children.

Welfare states vary dramatically in the extent to which they 'socialize' the costs of children. Feminist scholars have noted that many members of gild do good from children beingness brought up well (Folbre 1994a, 1994b), and still market place mechanisms fail to equitably apportion costs for this 'public good' (Christopher et al. 2001). In countries where more of the costs of childrearing are borne past governments instead of parents, women's poverty rates tend to exist lower. In general, single mothers tend to benefit if a greater proportion of welfare assistance is universal rather than means-tested, because they are not faced with high marginal tax rates on their earnings that upshot from decreased welfare benefits. The overall level of income assistance provided to single mothers varies notably beyond industrialized nations; mean transfers for unmarried mothers every bit a per centum of median equivalent income range from 22 percent in the USA to 71 percent in Kingdom of the netherlands (unpublished tabulations of Luxembourg Income Study data past Timothy Smeeding and Lee Rainwater).

Numerous scholars take adult typologies that classify welfare states forth particular dimensions. Probably the best known is by Esping-Anderson (1990) which classifies welfare states into three categories according to decommodification (the power of individuals to subsist apart from labor and capital markets) and stratification (differences between classes).

(a)

Social autonomous states, typified by the Scandinavian countries, promote gender equality and provide the most generous support to single-parent families. These nations emphasize full employment, and work and welfare are intricately intertwined, with some function-fourth dimension public jobs provided for mothers. Many benefits and allowances are universal, supplemented by specific programs targeted to needy families. Women's employment is encouraged by the provision of high-quality childcare services and extensive parental leave. Too, the government guarantees that back up is provided to children who do not live with both parents. Because of these policies, mothers are able to combine work and parental responsibilities and to 'packet' income from both marketplace and regime sources.

(b)

Conservative-corporatist nations besides have generous transfer systems, but they are more than traditional with respect to family values and expectations (largely due to the significant influence of the Church). Benefits are more often than not targeted toward families (rather than individuals), and inequalities beyond families and households may exist sustained. An important component of welfare policy is social insurance, which is linked to labor force participation and may differ by occupation. Austria, France, Frg, and Italia are representative conservative-corporatist states.

(c)

In the liberal welfare states (notably the Anglo countries), help is primarily ways-tested with small universal transfers, primarily paid to the elderly or disabled. Accent is on the market and individuals' labor strength activity as the chief means for resource resource allotment. Benefit levels are typically meager when compared to average wage levels, and recipients are often stigmatized by nonrecipients. Supports for working mothers, including public childcare, are limited, with trivial or no paid parental leave. Parents who live away from their children are expected to pay kid support, although the regime does not provide any assistance for children of noncustodial parents who fail to pay. Considering welfare benefits are income-tested, women accept a hard time combining work and welfare in order to escape the 'poverty trap.'

These variations in welfare state policy lead to dramatic differences in the economic condition of women and children. Table iv presents poverty rates for children living in single-mother families both before and later authorities taxes and transfers are included in income (while childcare and other non-cash benefits are not included). The table shows that, with several exceptions, the percentage decline in the poverty rates roughly clusters according to the three categories of nations in Esping-Anderson's typology. Regime revenue enhancement and transfer policies reduce the poverty rates in each of the four social democratic nations shown in the tabular array (Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden) past 68 per centum or more. In the corporatist nations, poverty reductions autumn in the center of the spectrum with a sixty percent decline in France and a 56 percent reject in Italian republic. Federal republic of germany is an important exception, with its government policies reducing poverty for children in unmarried-mother families by fully 90 per centum. The lowest reductions in poverty rates are noted in the liberal states, such as 26 percent for Canada, 23 percent for Australia, and fifteen percent for the USA. The United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland represents another exception because its policies reduce poverty by 76 percent—a much greater decline than in the other liberal states.

Table 4. Poverty rates for children in single-mother families ^a earlier and later authorities programs ^b

Source: Rainwater and Smeeding 1995.

Country (year)	Pretransfer poverty rate	Post-transfer, post-tax poverty rate	Percentage decline
Australia (1989)	73.2	56.2	23.two
Belgium (1992)	50.vii	10.0	fourscore.3
Canada (1991)	68.ii	50.2	26.4
Denmark (1992)	45.0	7.3	83.eight
Finland (1991)	36.3	vii.5	79.3
France (1984)	56.4	22.6	59.nine
Germany (1989)	43.9	four.two	90.4
Ireland (1987)	72.half dozen	40.5	44.ii
Italian republic (1991)	31.7	thirteen.ix	56.2
Grand duchy of luxembourg (1985)	55.vii	10.0	82.0
Netherlands (1991)	79.seven	39.5	50.iv
Norway (1991)	57.iv	18.4	67.ix
Sweden (1992)	54.9	5.2	xc.5
Switzerland (1982)	33.7	25.six	24.0
United Kingdom (1986)	76.2	18.7	75.5
United States (1991)	69.9	59.5	14.9

a

Single-female parent families are families where 1 female adult resides in the household; cohabiting-parent families are non included here. Poverty is defined as 50 per centum of a country's median adjusted income.

b

Government programs include income and payroll taxes and all types of government greenbacks and almost-cash transfers. Kid care and other non-greenbacks benefits are non included; this is particularly important for countries such equally France which provide generous child care subsidies that are not reflected in these calculations.

Some feminist scholars have criticized Esping-Anderson'southward framework because it emphasizes workers' dependence on employers while ignoring women'southward dependence on men. Orloff (1993) argues, for example, that welfare regimes should be judged by the extent to which they allow women to establish independent households. In contrast, other feminist scholars have raised questions almost women'south dependence on the welfare state (Gordon 1990, 1994) and gender biases in the welfare land (Nelson 1990).

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Criminology: Psychopathological Aspects

J.East. Arboleda-Flórez , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

five.3 Genetics and Heredity

A familiar component has been described relating antisocial beliefs, criminality, and violence, which in plow are related to paternal violence, poverty, single parent families, and rough neighborhoods. These interfamily variation factors, equally known in genetic epidemiology, change from family to family unit but remain constant equally a load in ane unmarried family unit. It is not possible, yet, to differentiate within members of a family the quantities that could exist attributed to the genetic load (genotype) from that attributed to the environment and that event on a detail form of behavior (phenotype). Link and association studies demonstrate that some genetic disorders such as alcoholism, Gilles de la Tourette syndrome, and the fragile-X syndrome could exist related to hating beliefs and violence (Carey 1994). Furthermore, adoption studies of twins indicate that at that place exists a genetic relation between antisocial personality and alcoholism (Cadoret et al. 1986).

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